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A Texas county needs to punish polluters. The state received’t let it.

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This story was supported by the Pulitzer Center. It’s being co-published with Public Health Watch and the Investigative Reporting Workshop.

Hannah Molina was buckling her toddlers into their automobile seats for Wednesday night time church when she observed the faint chemical odor.

She felt a bit lightheaded, however she didn’t assume a lot about it.

The air is usually pungent in Jacinto Metropolis, Texas, a small city quarter-hour east of downtown Houston that’s surrounded by oil refineries and petrochemical crops. Normally, the odors are fleeting. Sufficient to make Molina’s nostril wrinkle, however not sufficient to set off her bronchial asthma or maintain the women from enjoying outdoors.

That night time — July 14, 2021 — turned out to be completely different.

By the point Molina received residence at 9 p.m., a nauseating, garlic-like stench had settled over her neighborhood. When she opened her automobile door, she felt dizzy. She swallowed exhausting to keep away from gagging.

Molina received the women out of the automobile, grabbed the groceries she’d picked up at Walmart and stumbled into the little home she and her husband hire. She drew a deep breath, determined for clear air. However the odor was inside, too.

The noxious fumes felt like a straightjacket round her chest. Her lungs tightened, a sign that her bronchial asthma was flaring up. Her eyes burned and her throat stung as if she’d abruptly developed strep throat.

She managed to place 1-year-old Sophia into mattress, then collapsed onto her sofa, the grocery luggage strewn subsequent to her.

“Mama, my abdomen hurts,” 2-year-old Maribel stated.

Then Maribel vomited.

Molina pushed herself off the sofa. It took all the things she had simply to face.

“I simply went into straight-up mother mode,” she stated. “I needed to maintain my ladies secure.”


Two miles away, within the city of Galena Park, Juan Flores was coughing and gagging, too. For hours, his telephone had been ringing with calls, texts, and Fb messages concerning the scent. Now he was driving by way of the neighborhood the place he’d spent his complete life, attempting to determine the place the odor was coming from.

Galena Park, Jacinto Metropolis, and different low-income communities are clustered on the east facet of Harris County, the third most-populous county in the USA and the epicenter of North America’s petrochemical {industry}. Ten oil refineries course of 2.6 million barrels of crude oil a day. 1000’s extra amenities retailer or manufacture the chemical compounds the {industry} makes use of and produces. Vans and rail automobiles carrying industrial gear and synthetics rumble by way of neighborhoods.

Southeastern Texas — particularly the Houston space — is understood for its lax zoning legal guidelines, so petrochemical crops loom over homes and playgrounds the place youngsters collect on daily basis. Forty p.c of Galena Park’s 11,000 residents, together with Flores, live within a mile of an industrial facility. A terminal that may maintain greater than 10 million barrels of chemical compounds lies seven blocks from the center faculty. Two steel fabrication firms sit immediately throughout the road from metropolis corridor.

Flores works for Air Alliance Houston, a nonprofit that combats air pollution in closely industrialized neighborhoods. He installs cheap air displays outdoors properties so residents can get some primary details about the hazards they’re residing with. The Texas Fee on Environmental High quality, or TCEQ, is charged with defending the general public’s well being. However Flores doesn’t belief the TCEQ. When he calls to complain about foul odors, the state company continuously waits hours — generally even days — to reply. The odor is usually gone lengthy earlier than an inspector reveals up.

As an alternative, Flores depends on his neighborhood community and, more and more, Harris County Air pollution Management Providers, which has been beefed up in recent times by county politicians decided to rein in polluters when the state received’t act. Air pollution Management’s authority is far weaker than the TCEQ’s, however not less than the folks there take his calls.

Flores is aware of, firsthand, the hazards petrochemical amenities pose to low-income communities like his.

In 1989, 23 employees died and 314 had been injured when explosions broke out at a Phillips Petroleum plant three miles from Galena Park. Flores was a sixth-grader again then. The blast was so highly effective that it shattered home windows at his faculty and shook the transportable classroom the place he was finding out.

In 2017, floodwaters from Hurricane Harvey struck two tanks on the Magellan Midstream Companions facility, about half a mile outdoors Galena Park. Greater than 460,000 gallons of gasoline poured out, the most important petrochemical spill ever attributable to a pure catastrophe in Texas. Flores smelled the fumes again then as he walked by way of the city, documenting storm harm. He nonetheless doesn’t know precisely what was within the air, as a result of the TCEQ had shut down its air monitors to guard them from Harvey’s driving rains.

In 2019, a gasoline-fueled inferno roared by way of an Intercontinental Terminals Firm facility 20 miles east of downtown Houston. Flames from the power — which may maintain greater than 13 million barrels of petrochemicals — shot greater than 100 ft into the air. Billows of thick, black smoke darkened the sky above Flores’ residence. The hearth lasted three days and launched a lot benzene, a carcinogen that may trigger leukemia, that Galena Park residents had been advised to shelter in place. Flores’ spouse and 14-year-old son had been so sick that a health care provider prescribed steroids to ease their labored respiration.

A fireplace at an Intercontinental Terminals Firm facility 20 miles east of downtown Houston spews billows of black smoke. The inferno in 2019 lasted three days and launched a lot benzene, a carcinogen that causes leukemia, that many Harris County residents had been suggested to shelter in place.
Paul Harris / Getty Pictures

Worry of one other terrifying accident isn’t what retains Flores up at night time, although.

What worries him much more are the routine chemical releases just like the one he encountered as he drove by way of Galena Park on July 14, 2021. The quiet occasions. No hearth. No explosion. No warning. No rapid deaths. Simply silent streams of poisonous fumes that many residents settle for as a truth of life.

There have been 472 unlawful releases — about 16 each month — in Harris County since 2020, in keeping with an examination of TCEQ data by Public Well being Watch and the Investigative Reporting Workshop. However watchdog teams assume the state’s rely is a conservative one. The Surroundings Texas Analysis and Coverage Heart discovered that the Houston space had an illegal industrial pollution event almost every day in 2019 alone.

To Flores, the noxious odors aren’t “the scent of cash” that Texas politicians discuss once they boast of the financial advantages and well-paying jobs the oil, fuel and chemical industries carry to their state. They’re the scent of sickness and generally dying — a scent that impacts some Harris County communities way over others.

Prosperous, predominantly white residents stay on the county’s suburban west facet, removed from the petrochemical {industry}’s gritty core. A 2019 evaluation by the Episcopal Well being Basis discovered a 21-year-gap in life expectancy between west facet neighborhoods like River Oaks, the place the median residence value is $2 million, and low-income east facet communities like Galena Park, the place the median residence value is $170,000. 

Folks there are uncovered to pollution nearly twice as often as white residents, in keeping with a examine by the Pure Assets Protection Council and Texas Environmental Justice Advocacy Providers. That features risky natural compounds like 1,3-butadiene — a carcinogen used to make plastic and rubber merchandise — and tremendous particulate matter launched by energy crops, refineries and batch concrete amenities. Advantageous particles are too small for the attention to see and may settle deep into lungs and seep into bloodstreams. In 2015 alone, 5,213 Harris County residents died prematurely resulting from fine-particle publicity, in keeping with scientists at Harvard College and the Environmental Protection Fund.

Flores sees these statistics enjoying out in Galena Park, the place 4 out of 5 residents are Latino and practically 30 p.c stay under the poverty line. His 6-year-old daughter, Dominique, was born with a malignant tumor in her abdomen that required chemotherapy and a number of surgical procedures earlier than her first birthday. His father died of a coronary heart assault on the job at age 51 after working greater than 20 years in refineries. He has seen generations of neighboring households ravaged by most cancers.

“Everybody is aware of somebody who’s died of most cancers,” stated Flores, who turns 45 in October. “That’s simply the way it goes round right here.”

Juan Flores stands above a petroleum pipeline in his hometown of Galena Park, Texas. The small city is surrounded by refineries and petrochemical crops that usually discharge hazardous chemical compounds into the air. In his work with Air Alliance Houston, Flores installs air displays outdoors properties so residents have a document of the toxins they’re respiration.
Julie Dermansky

On July 14, 2021, Flores wasn’t occupied with his city’s previous struggles. He was fearful concerning the garlic-like odor that was making him dizzy proper now. By 11 p.m. the stench was unhealthy — the worst he’d smelled in years.  

He drove up and down Galena Park’s streets, nonetheless wheezing. It was quiet, save for some youngsters enjoying pickup basketball, seemingly oblivious to the stink that hung within the dense summer time air.

He stopped by the home the place he’d grown as much as verify on his mom. The odor was unhealthy there, too, however she was secure inside. He saved driving.

He turned onto Clinton Drive, the thoroughfare that separates town’s southern edge from the Houston Ship Channel. Greater than 400 petrochemical plants line that murky waterway, which runs north from Galveston Bay after which turns west and carries ships to inside 4 miles of downtown Houston.

The odor received stronger as Flores drove east alongside the channel. Within the distance, he noticed a flame flickering above Houston Refining, one of many largest refineries in the USA. It was an indication that the power was flaring, a standard methodology of burning off the surplus pure fuel and chemical compounds produced throughout refining and petrochemical manufacturing.

He began gagging once more. His throat burned. He might barely communicate.

When flares are operated accurately, they will effectively burn pollution and restrict emissions. However a poorly executed flare can launch contaminants like black carbon and benzene, and Texas environmental organizations are suing the U.S. Environmental Safety Company, or EPA, for failing to curb the follow. Flaring happens up to 20 times more often in Texas than in different states, in keeping with a 2017 report from the U.S. Division of Power.

A hazy yellow plume swirled above the road 50 ft forward of Flores’ headlights. The odor was the strongest it had been all night time. He coughed so exhausting that the gold cross he wears round his neck bounced in opposition to his chest.

“Oh, God,” he groaned, slowing his automobile to a crawl. “That’s received to be it.”

Via the haze, Flores noticed the flashing lights of an emergency automobile from Harris County Air pollution Management. 


Air pollution Management had been trying to find the odor since earlier that night, when it started getting calls from fearful residents.

Latrice Babin, the division’s director, might scent it from her workplace in Pasadena, a notoriously contaminated city immediately throughout the Ship Channel from Galena Park. The odor was faint at first — simply the acquainted aroma of the {industry} that had surrounded Babin since she was a toddler. However it rapidly grew stronger, and she or he knew one thing was severely fallacious.

Babin was born and raised in Crosby, a small industrial city in northeastern Harris County. She swam and crabbed within the San Jacinto River, which at all times had a specific stink to it. Her dad labored in a petrochemical plant, and the scent of the synthetics clung to his work garments when he received residence at night time.

“My father used to actually dip his shirt in chemical solvents to chill his physique off,” she stated. “We simply didn’t know any higher.”

Babin’s dad died of most cancers on the age of 63. The phase of the San Jacinto River the place she as soon as swam is now a federal Superfund clean-up site, polluted by cancer-causing dioxin launched from the close by Worldwide Paper plant.

Babin has devoted her life to giving future Harris County residents one thing she and her household by no means had: a way of company.

In 1992, she received a level in biology from Texas Southern College, a traditionally Black faculty in Houston the place she met Robert Bullard, a professor generally known as the daddy of the environmental justice motion. In 1996, Air pollution Management employed her as an environmental investigator. She received a Ph.D. in environmental toxicology from Texas Southern and started transferring up the ranks.

Air pollution Management was so underfunded in these days that among the gear she used hadn’t been up to date because the Nineteen Seventies. The county principally relied on the TCEQ to assemble details about pollution and police the accountable events.

However the TCEQ was cash-strapped, too, due to then-Gov. George W. Bush’s lenient stance on environmental regulation. The previous West Texas oilman championed a 1995 legislation that prioritized voluntary, industry-led options over authorities mandates — an method one in all his opponents described as “a lot of sweet talk with no teeth in it.”

In 2004, Houston, the most important metropolis in Harris County, tried to drive the state to take motion in opposition to large polluters. 

“The general public owns the air… and no person has the proper to change it chemically,” then-Mayor Invoice White declared in his inaugural speech. 

Towering refineries and petrochemical crops are the backdrop to life in Galena Park, Texas. A terminal that may maintain greater than 10 million barrels of chemical compounds lies seven blocks from the center faculty.
Julie Dermansky

White, a Democrat who had served as deputy secretary of power within the Clinton administration, championed two ordinances that gave town authority to watch and punish serial polluters. The ordinances didn’t impose any new rules. They merely allowed town to implement current guidelines the TCEQ tended to disregard.

However Houston’s ordinances had been rapidly challenged.

A coalition of petrochemical giants that included Dow Chemical and Exxon Mobil filed a sequence of lawsuits that dragged on for practically a decade. Greg Abbott, who was elected governor in 2014, filed a authorized temporary supporting their trigger.

“The Texas Structure and Texas statutes prohibit metropolis officers from interfering with the State’s enforcement of environmental rules,” Abbott said in a statement his workplace launched concerning the 2015 submitting. “I’m dedicated to selling financial growth and job progress within the state of Texas by decreasing the regulatory burden that drives up the price of doing enterprise.”

That very same 12 months Abbott signed a legislation that made it even more durable for native governments to sue serial polluters.

House Bill 1794 set a $2.15 million restrict on the sum of money a county might obtain from air pollution lawsuits — a sum so small that it barely lined the price of a authorized battle that might nearly actually final for years.

In 2016, the Texas Supreme Courtroom killed Houston’s air-quality ordinances as soon as and for all. The 9 judges, all Republicans, ruled 8-1 that town had overstepped its authority. Solely the TCEQ — and, by proxy, the industry-friendly Texas Legislature — had the ability to police polluters, the courtroom held.


In 2018, one other rebellion started within the Houston space, this one led by county officers.

Lina Hidalgo, then 27, was elected county choose that 12 months, probably the most highly effective workplace within the state’s largest county. Her longshot victory over a Republican incumbent made her the first woman and first Latina to carry the workplace. It additionally made her the presiding officer over the Harris County Commissioners Courtroom, which controls a multibillion-dollar funds and units insurance policies for all the things from public well being to legislation enforcement.

Hidalgo was born in Colombia, however moved to middle-class, suburban Houston on the age of 14. She earned a bachelor’s diploma in political science from Stanford College, and a joint diploma in public coverage and legislation from Harvard and New York College. 

Certainly one of Hidalgo’s targets was to shore up the county’s Air pollution Management division, so it might not less than attempt to step in when the TCEQ did not act.

“These unhealthy actors shouldn’t have free rein to result in severely worse well being outcomes for my household or pollute with impunity,” she instructed Public Well being Watch. “Legal guidelines do exist. The issue is that they’re probably not enforced.”

When Hidalgo took workplace, there have been two Republicans and two Democrats on the four-member commissioners courtroom. Hidalgo had the swing vote, giving Democrats management for the first time in 30 years.

She didn’t hesitate to make use of that energy.

In 2019, Hidalgo pushed the courtroom to ramp up environmental protections. It put aside $850,000 to hire four assistant district attorneys to prosecute environmental crimes. It gave Pollution Control $5.9 million to rent 29 workers and purchase air displays and a cellular lab. It directed $4.6 million to the Fireplace Marshal’s Workplace, the lead responder in petrochemical accidents, so it might double the dimensions of its hazardous supplies, or HazMat, workforce.

In 2020, the primary 12 months of the COVID-19 pandemic, Hidalgo forged the deciding vote on a 3-2 decision that created probably the most expansive voting system in Texas historical past — a system that made voting simpler for low-income communities of shade like Galena Park. It expanded drive-through and mail-in poll choices. It additionally added greater than 100 polling locations, together with some that stayed open 24 hours, and dramatically elevated the variety of election employees. 

 Greater than 1.6 million folks forged ballots that November, the biggest turnout in Harris County history. A kind of swept into workplace was 32-year-old Christian Menefee, the primary Black man elected county lawyer. Because the area’s chief civil lawyer, he had the ability to file lawsuits in opposition to polluters if the state refused to take motion.

Harris County Lawyer Christian Menefee in entrance of his father’s childhood residence in Houston’s Fifth Ward — a traditionally Black space the place the speed of most cancers is exceptionally excessive. Menefee has made environmental justice a key subject since taking workplace final 12 months.
Julie Dermansky

Menefee’s victory gave Hidalgo a key ally. He knew what it was prefer to really feel powerless within the face of {industry} giants.

Menefee’s father and grandparents grew up in Houston’s Fifth Ward, simply east of downtown. The traditionally Black neighborhood, as soon as a secure haven for folks free of slavery, had been ignored by metropolis leaders for greater than a century. By the point Menefee walked its streets as a toddler, it was economically depressed, haphazardly industrialized, and riddled with public well being hazards.

In 2021, the Texas Division of State Well being Providers reported that the speed of childhood leukemia within the Fifth Ward was nearly five times higher than expected based mostly on statewide most cancers charges. The well being division additionally found a cancer cluster in properties close to the Union Pacific rail yard, the place a decades-long drip of creosote — an oily substance used to deal with phone poles and railroad ties — had been found.

Menefee, whose older brother battled childhood leukemia, knew what it was like to observe a beloved one languish within the hospital. He wished higher for the Fifth Ward and different East Harris County communities prefer it.

Environmental justice leaders had been inspired by the elections of Hidalgo and Menefee. Denae King, affiliate director of Texas Southern’s Bullard Heart for Environmental and Local weather Justice, grew up in Kashmere Gardens, on Houston’s east facet. The sound of scraping steel from a car-crushing enterprise crammed her childhood residence, and fumes from a rubbish facility seeped into her elementary faculty school rooms. 

King had watched aunts and uncles die of most cancers. And she or he’d watched too many elected officers ignore her neighborhood’s plight — simply as they’d ignored the work of her mentor, Robert Bullard, for many years.

King had realized way back to not pin her hopes on the guarantees of politicians. However Hidalgo and Menefee’s arrival felt completely different. If the TCEQ and state leaders wouldn’t clear up Harris County, perhaps these younger politicians would grasp onto their workplaces lengthy sufficient to do it themselves.

Dr. Denae King at Texas Southern College in Houston, the place she’s affiliate director of the Bullard Heart for Environmental and Local weather Justice. Born and raised within the East Houston neighborhood of Kashmere Gardens, King is combating to guard low-income communities of shade from industrial air pollution.
Julie Dermansky

Because the garlic-like odor settled over Galena Park and Jacinto Metropolis on the night time of July 14, 2021, the county’s upgraded Air pollution Management division took motion. Its investigators visited practically a dozen petrochemical crops, asking in the event that they’d had any unintended releases. Lab consultants combed by way of the EPA’s Toxics Launch Stock, a nationwide database that comprises the publicly listed chemical compounds used or saved at every facility.

Air pollution Management investigators additionally checked the brand new state-of-the artwork air displays they’d put in to doc the stream of poisons into numerous neighborhoods. The displays weren’t set as much as maintain tabs on particular person crops, however generally they scooped up sufficient distinctive particles to pinpoint an offender.

By midnight, nonetheless, nothing vital had proven up. No firm had owned as much as an accident. And the odor nonetheless hadn’t gone away.


Public Well being Watch pieced collectively what occurred subsequent from interviews, Pollution Control investigation reports and TCEQ documents.

On the morning of July 15, Latrice Babin’s investigators returned to Clinton Drive, the place Juan Flores had seen one in all their SUVs parked the night time earlier than. They spent the following a number of hours retracing wind patterns and driving across the Ship Channel, hoping their noses would cause them to the odor’s supply.

A TCEQ investigator arrived in Galena Park that afternoon, 21 hours after the company obtained its first complaints concerning the garlic-like scent. Requested why the company waited so lengthy to reply, a spokesperson stated “the TCEQ prioritizes complaints for investigation based mostly on the allegations. This grievance was prioritized for investigation inside 24 hours.”

The TCEQ investigator checked the readings at an air monitoring station, took extra readings with a handheld monitor and visited some amenities. The TCEQ then referred the complaints to Air pollution Management and took no additional motion that day.

It wasn’t till about 5:30 p.m. — a full day after Galena Park residents began coughing and gagging — that investigators received their first large break. Houston Refining, the plant whose flare Flores had noticed the night time earlier than, had notified the TCEQ of a chemical leak at its facility. Two hours later Air pollution Management investigators confirmed up on the plant in search of solutions. They instructed a safety guard they wished to talk with a plant official. However no person got here out to speak to them. After 20 minutes, they left. 

Issues moved rapidly the following morning, July 16. The Air pollution Management investigators returned to Houston Refining at about 9 a.m. The plant’s environmental engineer instructed them a roof on a chemical storage tank had collapsed, inflicting a leak that gave off a foul odor.

LyondellBasell’s Houston Refining plant. The 104-year-old facility processes as a lot as 268,000 barrels of crude oil per day and is one in all Harris County’s worst emitters of risky natural compounds, particulate matter and lung-damaging sulfur dioxide.
Loren Elliot/AFP through Getty Pictures

A half-hour later, the corporate launched its first public assertion. It got here from Houston Refining’s proprietor, LyondellBasell, a Dutch company that’s one of many world’s largest plastics, refining, and chemical corporations.

“Whereas disagreeable, the scent doesn’t pose any hurt to our employees or neighborhood, and there’s no want for close by neighborhood members to be involved or take any motion,” the assertion stated. “We remorse any concern this odor could have precipitated.”

When Hannah Molina noticed the assertion on Fb, she didn’t really feel relieved or reassured. She was furious.

She and her ladies had been nonetheless trapped of their home, and after a day and a half the stench was as sturdy as ever. Her head nonetheless felt gentle and her throat nonetheless stung. How might the nauseating odor presumably be innocent? 


Babin wasn’t glad, both. She wished as a lot exhausting proof as she might get concerning the chemical compounds that had been launched from the refinery.  

Her investigators had used among the division’s new gear — basketball-sized,  stainless-steel instruments known as Summa canisters — to entice air samples. Now the samples had been being examined within the division’s refurbished lab, and the outcomes can be run by way of its new chemical-matching machines.

That afternoon, LyondellBasell launched one other assertion. This one got here from Kara Slaughter, the corporate’s communication adviser for international exterior affairs. It included a timeline of the accident that was at odds with Molina’s expertise and Air pollution Management’s data.

In line with Slaughter, the leak didn’t happen till roughly 5 p.m. on July 14, greater than half-hour after somebody on Fb was already asking, “Does anybody know what that unusual scent is outdoors?”

Hannah Molina together with her daughters Maribel, now 3, (left) and Sophia, now 2, at their neighborhood park in Jacinto Metropolis, Texas. They had been trapped of their home for a day and a half final summer time by a garlic-like odor that left them dizzy, nauseated and light-headed.
Julie Dermansky

Slaughter stated the odor didn’t floor till July 15 — lengthy after Molina’s daughter had vomited and Juan Flores made his smoggy midnight drive.

Once more, LyondellBasell’s message appeared reassuring. 

“We perceive that the fabric is odorous and neighborhood members might be able to detect a slight odor,” Slaughter’s assertion stated. “Air monitoring demonstrated no ranges of concern for the neighborhood… As at all times, the well being and security of our folks and the neighborhood are our highest precedence.”

Slaughter declined to be interviewed for this story, and LyondellBasell didn’t reply to written follow-up questions.

LyondellBasell’s assertion didn’t determine the chemical compounds its refinery had launched. It was Air pollution Management that made that data public simply earlier than 5:15 p.m. on July 16.

“PCS has recognized chemical compounds of curiosity — carbon disulfide, dimethyl disulfide, methyl ethyl disulfide. Residents could expertise irritation of the respiratory system and digestive system,” the company stated in a tweet. “Explanation for odor has been capped and scent ought to dissipate later this night… Delicate populations ought to restrict outside time and use face coverings.”

Quick-term publicity to the sorts of chemical compounds Air pollution Management discovered may cause nausea, shortness of breath, delirious habits, and extreme irritation within the eyes, nostril, and throat, in keeping with the EPA and the U.S. Nationwide Library of Medication. Lengthy-term publicity can lower sperm counts, disrupt menstrual cycles, and result in coronary heart illness.


LyondellBasell is a significant participant within the Texas petrochemical and refining {industry}. It operates in 32 nations, however its international headquarters are in LyondellBasell Tower, a 46-story skyscraper in downtown Houston.

The corporate’s amenities occupy greater than 6,000 acres in Harris County and make use of greater than 6,000 employees. Not less than 20 crops and refineries in Harris County have federal air permits registered to LyondellBasell, in keeping with a Public Well being Watch evaluation of TCEQ data.  

Over the past 20 years, the mixed emissions from these crops have made LyondellBasell Harris County’s largest industrial supply of two particularly harmful poisonous chemical compounds — benzene and 1,3-butadiene — in keeping with a Public Well being Watch evaluation of EPA information.

Most of these emissions are authorized as a result of they’re throughout the bounds of the corporate’s TCEQ-issued air permits. For example, Texas permits Houston Refining to legally launch 72,140 kilos of benzene per 12 months and 136 kilos per hour, though it often releases far much less. The World Well being Group says there’s no really useful secure stage of benzene, which is understood to trigger most cancers in people. 

Releases that exceed an organization’s hourly and yearly allow limits are thought-about unlawful and may draw fines from the TCEQ. However usually the company encourages firms to make voluntary fixes. 

When the TCEQ does subject fines, they are often shockingly low. 

LyondellBasell amenities reported 1,378 unlawful releases of poisonous chemical compounds between 2002 and 2021, however the $34.9 billion firm paid solely about $5.2 million in TCEQ fines. That’s only a third of the $15.5 million in wage and shares it paid its then-CEO, Bhavesh “Bob” Patel, in 2020 alone.

Virtually 200 of these unlawful releases got here from the 104-year-old Houston Refining plant, which processes as a lot as 268,000 barrels of crude oil per day. It’s amongst Harris County’s prime 10 emitters of risky natural compounds, particulate matter, and lung-damaging sulfur dioxide, in keeping with the Public Well being Watch evaluation of TCEQ data.

Menefee, the county lawyer, was nicely conscious of LyondellBasell’s air pollution historical past. The corporate’s 550-acre compound in La Porte, within the southeastern nook of the county, was of explicit concern.  

It has two delivery docks and three chemical manufacturing crops, and has been cited for greater than 300 unlawful releases since 2002, in keeping with the Public Well being Watch evaluation. Its acetyls facility, which manufactures extremely risky acetic acid utilized in home paints and adhesives, has an particularly egregious document. It has dedicated “excessive precedence” violations of the federal Clear Air Act throughout each enterprise quarter over the previous three years, in keeping with an EPA report that summarizes infractions by amenities throughout the nation. Though the EPA oversees the Clear Air Act, state businesses are liable for the legislation’s day-to-day enforcement.

The EPA defines a excessive precedence violation as “more likely to lead to impacts that pose a major danger to human well being and/or the setting from the direct or oblique launch of air pollution.” 


Simply after sundown on July 27 — 13 days after LyondellBasell’s garlic-odor incident — a textual content message flashed throughout Assistant Fireplace Chief Bob Royall’s telephone display. Three phrases jumped out at him.

“Mass casualty incident.”

There had been a chemical spill within the acetyls unit at LyondellBasell’s La Porte complicated. Staff had been being rushed to the hospital.

Royall, who heads the Harris County HazMat workforce, was visiting household in Fort Price, a four-hour drive away, when the alerts began coming in.

He jumped into his automobile and logged onto a Zoom name together with his workforce.

The information was grim. 

Two contractors had been useless. Dozens extra had been being rushed to the hospital. As data started trickling in, a single query saved operating by way of his thoughts: Simply how large and unhealthy is that this? 

If the acetyls escaped from the compound, folks residing in neighborhoods roughly a mile away can be in danger — and Royall’s workforce would have a full-blown disaster on its fingers.


The flashing lights of emergency automobiles from everywhere in the county rapidly surrounded the commercial complicated. 

At this level, no person — not even the plant managers — knew the extent of the harm. The concern now was that extremely risky chemical compounds from the power’s acetyls unit may escape into close by communities. 

Royall determined he couldn’t maintain again: He despatched each of his HazMat items to the 550-acre industrial compound.

“We had three chiefs on the market, the fireplace marshal, two deputy chiefs, a captain, seven personnel, and a supervisor,” he stated. “I despatched all the things I had.”

Royall’s workers had ready for conditions exactly like this one.

Every HazMat agent had not less than 160 hours of technical coaching, practically double the state requirement. They’d sat by way of rigorous chemistry programs and realized how particular chemical compounds behave in particular conditions. That they had not less than 150 hours of refresher coaching annually, whereas the state required simply 10.

Just like the Air pollution Management division, the Fireplace Marshal’s Workplace is funded by the Harris County Commissioners Courtroom. And like Air pollution Management, its funds has elevated considerably since Lina Hidalgo was elected county choose  — from $6.3 million in 2018 to $10.25 million in 2021.

By the point the HazMat groups arrived, flashing lights already surrounded LyondellBasell’s fence line. Close by roads had been blocked off to make method for emergency automobiles. Firefighters from neighboring cities had been there, together with EMS responders, Harris County constables and Latrice Babin’s Air pollution Management brokers.

The HazMat brokers labored alongside LyondellBasell’s technicians, checking wind circumstances and prowling the outskirts of the complicated with handheld air displays. They couldn’t transfer nearer till they knew what risks lay inside.


Harris County Lawyer Christian Menefee tried to not verify his telephone after work hours. However the garlic-odor incident at Houston Refining had unsettled the county lawyer and he’d begun breaking his personal rule. He saved considering one other chemical launch was simply across the nook.

Menefee was in mattress watching TV together with his pregnant spouse when his telephone lit up at 9:42 p.m. on July 27. It was an e-mail from Sarah Utley, the highest lawyer in his division’s environmental division.

Menefee sat up and placed on his glasses.

“It is a growing scenario, however there was a horrible incident at Lyondell,” Utley wrote.

Right here we go once more, Menefee thought. By his rely, this was the fifth large petrochemical accident Harris County had suffered up to now month and not less than the tenth since he’d taken workplace six months in the past.

This one was by far the worst.

Greater than 30,000 liquid kilos of hazardous chemical compounds — together with acetic acid, carbon monoxide, hydrogen iodide, methyl acetate, and methyl iodide — had spewed out of a chemical reactor and onto the power’s ground.

Utley gave Menefee a play-by-play of what was taking place on the bottom. Two contractors had been useless. One other was in vital situation. 5 extra had been rushed to a Houston hospital with burns and respiratory trauma. Twenty-seven had been ready to be taken to the hospital.

LyondellBasell employees had been attempting to comprise the spill.

Among the colorless liquid had escaped from the unit and onto the complicated’s grounds, spilling into unfastened gravel, soil, surrounding ditches, and a pond. They constructed makeshift dams out of dust and used vacuum vehicles to suck up the overflow.

Staff sprayed water to suppress the lethal vapors that had been rising from the chemical compounds. Others scrambled to check the pH ranges of a close-by watershed for indicators of contamination. If the chemical compounds reached the watershed, they may journey into a close-by bayou that fed into Galveston Bay, one of many nation’s most essential fisheries.

They contained the leak round 9:30 p.m. At 9:46 p.m., Air pollution Management tweeted that there was “no recognized offsite affect.” The rapid hazard had handed.

Now it was time for Royall’s HazMat groups to enter the acid-filled facility and take away the our bodies of the 2 employees who had died. Dustin Don Day was 36 years outdated, an Military veteran whose spouse had just lately been identified with breast most cancers. Shawn Andrew Kuhleman was 32, married with two sons.

Houston ship channel
Oil refineries sit alongside the banks of the Houston Ship Channel, which connects the Gulf of Mexico to the Port of Houston and town’s downtown district.
Thomas Northcut / Getty Pictures

Eradicating the our bodies was a deadly job. 

The vapors that hung within the air had been far much less predictable — and much more harmful — than the liquid concoction that had gushed outdoors the constructing. Acetic acid can severely burn even the tiniest patch of uncovered pores and skin. If giant quantities had been nonetheless within the room, the HazMat technicians’ circulatory programs might collapse and their kidneys might immediately fail.

The technicians used a chemistry database to find out what they wanted to put on to guard themselves. It known as for the heaviest-duty gear they’d — billowy Tyvek fits lined with a Saran Wrap–like poly coating. An excellent thicker poly coating sealed the surface, with the gloves bonded on to the swimsuit. The one opening was a rubber-toothed zipper that was secured from the within and lined by a protecting flap.

Beneath the Tyvek fits, they wore flame-resistant coveralls, cooling vests to safeguard in opposition to warmth exhaustion and extra clothes in case their fits ruptured. As soon as they had been totally dressed, they pulled on thick, chemical-resistant shields and face masks that had been related to oxygen tanks on their backs.

The gear price upward of $10,000 per particular person. A zipper alone was $500.

Royall had by no means misplaced a HazMat employee on the job. He didn’t plan to begin that night time.

“I instructed them, ‘You’re going into a really harmful scenario. However you’ve received the coaching. You’ve received the gear. You’ve received the best stage of safety for the operation we’re about to do,’” he stated.

At about 2 a.m. on July 28, four technicians entered the facility and located Day’s and Kuhleman’s our bodies. The lads’s work garments had a powerful, vinegar-like odor. Their our bodies had been covered with chemical burns and inexperienced, black, and brown spots the place acid had splashed in opposition to their pores and skin. 

The technicians carried the our bodies outdoors. Earlier than they might be faraway from the compound, they needed to be decontaminated so no person else can be uncovered to the chemical compounds that also clung to them. The technicians fastidiously eliminated the lads’s clothes and rinsed the our bodies with water. Then they gently started cleansing them from head to toe utilizing sponges and Daybreak dish cleaning soap.

The cleansing was purported to proceed till the our bodies reached a pH stage of seven — the extent that’s usually thought-about secure for human contact.

However after a number of washes, the technicians couldn’t get the pH above 6. They determined that was “probably the most cheap achievable pH near impartial” the our bodies might attain, given what number of chemical compounds they’d been uncovered to, in keeping with the incident report from the Fireplace Marshal’s Workplace.

Lastly, the corpses had been zipped into physique luggage and handed over to the Medical Examiner’s Workplace. Royall’s final HazMat technician left the scene simply earlier than 4 a.m.

At 5:17 a.m. the all-clear alarm rang throughout LyondellBasell’s La Porte complicated. The rapid disaster was over.


Christian Menefee’s alarm went off at 5 a.m. He hadn’t slept nicely. He knew he had a protracted day forward of him.

The economic tragedy was the main story on nearly each Houston information outlet. Folks wished solutions. And Menefee wished to ship a message to the hundreds of business amenities that dominated the county the place he had grown up.

Menefee huddled with Sarah Utley, who had been up a lot of the night time monitoring the scenario on an emergency Zoom name. Utley was greater than his prime environmental lawyer — she was somebody he trusted. She’d been with the county lawyer’s workplace since 2011 and she or he noticed the chance he noticed: An opportunity to point out the folks of Harris County that they may stand as much as Massive Oil.

Harris County Lawyer Christian Menefee in his workplace in downtown Houston. Since his election in 2020, he has been attempting to carry {industry} giants like LyondellBasell accountable for chemical leaks and air air pollution.
Julie Dermansky

Collectively, they laid plans to file a lawsuit in opposition to LyondellBasell, one in all Harris County’s worst polluters.

They knew it could be a wrestle due to two legal guidelines the Republican-dominated legislature had handed underneath Abbott’s watch. 

A 2017 law gave the Texas Lawyer Basic’s Workplace and the TCEQ the proper of first refusal for any pollution-related lawsuit. The state had 90 days to step in and block Menefee from taking motion.

The opposite legislation made certain the county wouldn’t profit a lot if it did sue. It capped the county’s payout at barely greater than $2 million — a fraction of the $5.6 billion in income LyondellBasell’s made in 2021. Menefee might sue for extra, however Harris County wouldn’t see one other dime. Any extra cash would go to the state.

Regardless of these boundaries, Menefee instructed his workforce to press on. He’d entered politics to push again in opposition to {industry} giants. And he felt a kinship with the useless employees and the households they’d left behind.

“It’s one thing I get up each morning occupied with,” he stated. “It’s on my thoughts on a regular basis.”


Texas State Rep. Erin Zwiener was in Washington, D.C., when information of the lethal accident popped up on her Twitter feed. She was shocked — however not stunned.

Zwiener’s Central Texas district is a three-hour drive west from Harris County, however she knew the county’s air pollution points nicely. Since her election in 2018, she’d been attempting to provide the TCEQ extra energy over polluters, though the percentages had been in opposition to her. The legislature had slashed the TCEQ’s funding by 20 p.c since 2016, even because it elevated the state funds by 16 p.c.

In 2019, Zwiener, a Democrat, sponsored a bill that might have made polluters pay fines proportional to the income they made once they sidestepped rules. She co-sponsored another bill that might have required the TCEQ to inform state lawmakers each time a plant of their district was cited for an unlawful chemical launch.

Neither invoice made it out of committee. So, within the spring of 2021, Zwiener tried once more.

This time, she wished to create an emergency alert system that might notify folks of chemical accidents close to their neighborhoods. She additionally wished to get rid of the state’s “affirmative protection” loophole, which permits most polluters to keep away from paying fines. As an alternative, they will file written reviews describing how they’d tried to stop an accident and what they’d do otherwise subsequent time. 

In line with a report by Surroundings Texas and the Environmental Integrity Challenge, polluters in Texas had been fined for less than 3 percent of the nearly 25,000 illegal releases that occurred within the state between 2011 and 2016. 

A TCEQ spokesperson disputed these findings. “The present enforcement charge for reported emission occasions is over 10 p.c,” the spokesperson instructed Public Well being Watch.

Zwiener’s conservative friends made it clear her concepts had been non-starters. To get a invoice out of committee, she’d must assume smaller.

The bill’s final version tied fines to inflation, so the charges wouldn’t lose worth whereas polluters contested them in courtroom. It ordered the TCEQ to review what would occur if firms had been fined a greenback for each pound of chemical compounds they illegally launched. And it gave polluters two hours, somewhat than 24, to provide the TCEQ a written report of an “emission occasion.” That change would have pressured LyondellBasell’s Houston Refining plant to report its garlic-like launch not less than 22 hours sooner than it did.

This time Zwiener’s laws received a public listening to earlier than the Texas Home’s Environmental Regulation Committee. Juan Flores, the Galena Park resident who had tried to trace down the garlic-like odor, traveled to the state Capitol in Austin to talk on its behalf. 

When it was his flip to go to the lectern, Flores locked eyes with West Texas Rep. Brooks Landgraf, the Republican committee chair.

“He appeared like an excellent man,” Flores stated. “However as I used to be speaking, it simply went by way of my thoughts — like, is that this dude even listening to me? … Simply him, I might inform he was identical to, ‘No matter, say what you must say so we are able to transfer on.’”

Landgraf is a lawyer who represents oil and gas companies and manages his family’s mineral interests within the Permian Basin of West Texas. His workplace declined interview requests for this story. However his biography on the state authorities’s web site says he’s “working to repeal burdensome regulations that harm the Permian Basin’s oil and gas industry.” 

Landgraf is operating unopposed for reelection in November. He has been endorsed by the Texas Oil & Fuel Affiliation Good Authorities Committee, the Texas Alliance Oil & Fuel Political Motion Committee and the Oil & Fuel Staff Affiliation.

Texas State Consultant Brooks Landgraf poses with a pumpjack. The West Texas Republican, whose biography on the state authorities’s web site says he’s “working to repeal burdensome rules that hurt the Permian Basin’s oil and fuel {industry},” served because the chairman of the Texas Home’s Environmental Regulation Committee in 2021.
Picture courtesy of Workplace of State Consultant Brooks Landgraf

After listening to an hour of testimony, Landgraf voted with three different GOP committee members to kill Zwiener’s invoice. In a shock transfer, Republican Geanie Morrison joined the committee’s 4 Democrats and voted to ship it to the Home ground for debate.

However Zwiener’s victory was solely symbolic, as a result of Home Speaker Dade Phelan by no means scheduled the invoice for a vote earlier than the complete Home. 

Phelan, a Republican from Beaumont, has obtained more than $500,000 in campaign contributions from the oil, fuel, and petrochemical industries since 2014, in keeping with FollowTheMoney.org. His great-grandfather was a rich oilman tied to Texas’ well-known Spindletop discipline.

Phelan didn’t reply to requests for an interview. 


Three months after that painful defeat, Zwiener paced the streets of Washington, D.C., and felt powerless another time.

She had fought for environmental reform, and she or he had misplaced. And now, as she watched information of the LyondellBasell accident pop up on her cellphone, she was 1,400 miles away, combating one other battle that might nearly absolutely finish in failure.

For 2 weeks, she and 55 different Texas Democrats had been holed up in the nation’s capital, attempting to stop the state legislature from passing a legislation that might make voting tougher, particularly for communities of shade. By leaving Austin, the Democratic lawmakers had ensured — not less than quickly — that Republicans wouldn’t have a quorum, the minimal variety of legislators wanted to maneuver the invoice ahead.

Texas State Consultant Erin Zwiener in entrance of the state Capitol in Austin. She represents a district three hours from Harris County, however has been attempting to crack down on polluters statewide since her election in 2018.
Blaine Younger

Senate Bill 1 didn’t name out Harris County by identify, however its authors’ intentions had been clear: The county’s record-breaking voter turnout in 2020 — and, extra essential, the pioneering voting reforms that had fueled it — was a risk to the state’s Republican institution.

“I’ve information for Harris County: You’re not the capital of Texas,” Republican Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick declared at a news conference. “The state capital resides in Travis County. Within the metropolis of Austin. On this constructing. Not within the county choose’s or the mayor’s workplace.”

The governor additionally made it clear that Harris County was a primary SB 1 goal. 

“What Harris County did was a whole violation of the structure by creating their very own time, place, and method for elections,” Abbott told Houston Public Media. “We, being the Republicans, we’re in no temper for extra compromise.”

Republican Lawyer Basic Ken Paxton had singled out Harris County, too. Throughout a June 2021 look on Steve Bannon’s “Warfare Room” podcast, Paxton bragged about blocking Harris County’s 2020 plan to ship mail-in poll functions to all of its 2.4 million registered voters.

“Had we not achieved that… We’d’ve been a kind of battleground states that had been counting votes in Harris County for 3 days,” Paxton told Bannon. “Trump would’ve misplaced the election [in Texas].”


Zwiener and the opposite Democrats trickled residence from Washington in August 2021. The lawmakers couldn’t disguise without end, particularly after Speaker Phelan threatened to drag them back to Austin in handcuffs. 

SB 1 sailed by way of the Home and Senate lower than two weeks later, and Abbott signed it into legislation on September 7.

Drive-through voting, which was mostly used by Latino, Black and Asian voters in 2020, is now not allowed. Polling hours are sharply decreased and 24-hour voting is banned. Month-to-month “citizenship checks” seek for undocumented immigrants on the voter rolls. Voting by mail is so restricted that public officers could be jailed merely for encouraging it.

On its floor, the legislation doesn’t have something to do with Harris County’s efforts to rein within the petrochemical {industry}’s air pollution. However by making voting tougher for the communities most affected by the {industry}’s well being hazards, SB 1 makes it more durable for the politicians who champion their trigger to win elections.

Hidalgo, the county choose who put environmental justice on the forefront in Harris County, is up for reelection in November. So is Adrian Garcia, one of many two Democrats on the commissioners courtroom. 

If both of them loses, Republicans will regain management of the courtroom, and 4 years of hard-fought environmental positive aspects will nearly absolutely be worn out.  

State leaders are shaping Harris County’s upcoming elections in one other method.

In October 2021, Abbott signed a statewide redistricting plan that redrew the political maps for the U.S. Congress and Texas Legislature to closely favor white, conservative voters and dilute key minority voting blocs. The transfer, designed to maintain Texas Republicans in energy for the following decade, shuffled more than a million Harris County residents into new districts. The U.S. Division of Justice has sued Texas over the redistricting maps, saying they “deny or abridge the rights of Latino and Black voters.”

The state’s most distinguished Republicans — Abbott, Patrick, and Paxton— are up for reelection in November. Every has obtained hundreds of thousands of {dollars} in marketing campaign funds from oil, fuel, and petrochemical donors. Every is favored to win, though Paxton is underneath indictment for felony security fraud and is being investigated by the FBI for corruption and bribery.

Menefee, the Harris County lawyer, sees the state’s new voting guidelines as existential threats to communities of shade and to officers, like him, who’re attempting to guard them.

His workplace is working with the Brennan Heart for Justice to sue the state over SB 1, arguing that it hinders election officers’ “potential to tell seniors and voters with disabilities about their proper to vote by mail.” They received in federal courtroom, however the choice was paused by the fifth U.S. Circuit Courtroom of Appeals. Now he’s ready for the Republican-dominated Texas Supreme Courtroom to weigh in. 

“It’s a risk to democracy… However it’s additionally a risk to the work that we’re doing,” he stated. “When you can change the foundations of the sport in order that 10 p.c of Democrats in Harris County can now not vote, or when you can take out 5,000 Black votes… you may get someone in workplace who doesn’t consider environmental justice is an actual factor. That’s the way you flip seats.”


Whereas the legislature was preoccupied with voting rights, Air pollution Management and the TCEQ had been investigating LyondellBasell’s lethal accident in La Porte.  

The TCEQ discovered that the Dutch firm had dedicated not less than eight air-pollution infractions. Given the severity of the offenses, LyondellBasell can’t use the affirmative-defense loophole to scale back or keep away from penalties for these offenses, the TCEQ stated in “a notice of enforcement for compliance” to the corporate in October 2021. However it stated the penalty “could also be restricted” if the corporate acted rapidly to handle the issue. The letter famous that the company dedicates “appreciable assets towards making voluntary compliance achievable.”  

The TCEQ gave LyondellBasell 60 days to submit a plan to repair the issue and forestall future emissions. It didn’t specify how a lot the corporate might be requested to pay in fines.

A number of weeks later, Air pollution Management despatched its personal letter to LyondellBasell, a “violation notice” that stated the corporate had dedicated not less than seven air air pollution infractions. Every violation carried a civil penalty of as a lot as $25,000 per day, the letter stated. Some violations might  embrace prison penalties of as a lot as $250,000 and as much as 10 years in jail.

Air pollution Management gave LyondellBasell 10 days to submit a plan to repair the issue and forestall future emissions.

Air pollution Management’s investigation discovered that LyondellBasell’s acetyls unit had recorded 13 unauthorized air air pollution occasions within the 12 months main as much as the lethal accident. They had been thought-about minor occasions — so small that the corporate wasn’t even required to report them to the TCEQ, not to mention be fined.

The company discovered that the lethal accident started when employees from a third-party contractor, Turn2 Specialty Firms, mistakenly eliminated a pipe-valve cowl throughout a upkeep operation. Kuhleman and Day had died, the investigators stated, as a result of LyondellBasell had “failed to offer the contractors with coaching, or any Commonplace Working Procedures for the upkeep exercise.” 

However LyondellBasell blamed the accident on Turn2. In an email to Pollution Control, Lyondell stated the contractor “was liable for making certain its personnel understood and will safely and efficiently execute the upkeep exercise.”

The employees had been useless and injured, LyondellBasell added, as a result of they’d “exceeded the scope of the work allow.”

A lawyer for Turn2 instructed Public Well being Watch it’s cooperating with all of the investigations, however “it could be untimely” for the corporate to remark additional. He stated this was the primary time any of its employees had died on a job.


By November 2021, Menefee’s workplace was able to prosecute LyondellBasell for 96 air pollution violations, together with the seven talked about in Harris County’s violation discover. Every infraction carried a penalty of as a lot as $25,000, which might add as much as $2.4 million in fines.

However on Nov. 22, three days earlier than the state-sanctioned 90-day ready interval expired, Lawyer Basic Paxton’s workplace informed Menefee that the state was taking the case — that Harris County couldn’t “institute swimsuit for civil penalties in opposition to LyondellBasell Acetyls.”  

It’s unclear what number of violations the state will pursue in opposition to LyondellBasell or what sort of fines it might face. Documents Paxton’s office filed in courtroom say the state will search “financial aid over $250,000 however no more than $1,000,000… or alternatively financial aid over $1,000,000.” Requested to elucidate why the state continues to be vacillating over how a lot to ask for, a spokesperson for Paxton declined to reply, saying, “This litigation is pending and the investigation continues to be ongoing.”


Two federal businesses are additionally investigating the accident at La Porte. 

The U.S. Occupational Well being and Security Administration, or OSHA, discovered that LyondellBasell had dedicated four “serious” violations, together with failing to tell contractors “of the recognized potential hearth, explosion, or poisonous launch hazards” associated to their work. It proposed a tremendous of $54,612. OSHA also cited Turn2 for 4 “severe” violations and proposed a $53,247 tremendous. 

Each LyondellBasell and Turn2 are contesting the penalties.

A separate investigation by the U.S. Chemical Security and Hazard Investigation Board won’t be completed until 2023. The board is backlogged with circumstances after being short-staffed and underfunded for years.


The households of the lads who perished or had been injured in LyondellBasell’s accident are in search of justice differently. 

Day’s household turned to Houston-based lawyer Benny Agosto Jr., who has represented different industrial accident victims in Harris County. 

Agosto is aware of how exhausting it’s to win in opposition to firms backed by arsenals of top-tier legal professionals, so he solely takes circumstances supported by sturdy medical proof. In Day’s case, Agosto has the autopsy report from the Harris County Medical Examiner’s Workplace. It says Day’s face and physique had been lined with inexperienced, black, and brown chemical burns. His voice field had turned inexperienced, his tongue had turned brown, and his eyes confirmed inexperienced discolorations.

Agosto additionally represents 27-year-old Seth Wheeler, who survived the accident. Agosto stated Wheeler suffered inner and exterior acid burns, and his lungs had been so badly broken that for days he wanted a ventilator to breathe. He required a number of surgical procedures on his face and eyes and can want extra surgical procedure sooner or later.

Wheeler, just like the Day household, is in search of not less than $1 million in damages. LyondellBasell didn’t reply to questions concerning the lawsuits, however in courtroom filings the corporate has denied the victims’ allegations of gross negligence and wrongful dying.

Agosto is getting ready to take the circumstances to trial. However authorized battles in opposition to highly effective firms can drag on for years and many consumers comply with out-of-court settlements. That method, they get their cash sooner and the corporate avoids the detrimental publicity of a trial.

Agosto is aware of it’s not an ideal answer. However he says it’s the easiest way he may also help “people which were downtrodden and pushed down.”


And the garlic-odor incident on July 14, 2021? The LyondellBasell accident that sickened folks in Galena Park and Jacinto Metropolis however didn’t kill anybody?

Harris County and the TCEQ investigated that leak, too.

The TCEQ discovered that the stench settled in after greater than 2,300 kilos of chemical compounds — a number of of them recognized to trigger respiration issues and nausea — escaped from one of the large, white storage tanks within the Houston Refining compound. The tanks have floating roofs which might be supposed to face up to extreme climate and shield in opposition to explosions and fires. However heavy rainfall had precipitated extreme corrosion and a number of holes on the roof of Tank 420. The chemical compounds escaped by way of the holes, flowed down the roof’s rainwater drain, and spilled onto the bottom.

LyondellBasell argued in emails to the TCEQ that the spill couldn’t have been prevented — even “by good design, upkeep, or operation practices.” The corporate stated no issues had been detected when the tank was given its annual environmental inspection in October 2020. The tank’s final third-party mechanical integrity inspection was in 2013, LyondellBasell stated.

In October 2021, the TCEQ despatched Houston Refining a “notice of enforcement for compliance” that stated the corporate had dedicated not less than 10 air air pollution violations over a span of 45 hours. Three had been for failing to stop an unauthorized emission resulting from “insufficient operation and upkeep practices.” Seven had been for failing to precisely report the incident. 

For every violation, the TCEQ inspired Houston Refining to “submit a written description of corrective actions taken and the required plan/or documentation mandatory to handle the excellent alleged violation to stop recurrence of a identical or comparable violation.” 

The TCEQ didn’t point out how a lot LyondellBasell might be fined or set a deadline for the corporate to file a plan to repair the issue.

LyondellBasell’s Houston Refining plant. The 700-acre facility has had practically 200 unlawful chemical releases over the previous 20 years and is one in all Harris County’s worst emitters of risky natural compounds, particulate matter and lung-damaging sulfur dioxide. Mark Felix/AFP through Getty Pictures.

A number of weeks later, Air pollution Management despatched Houston Refining a separate letter, a “violation notice.”

It stated LyondellBasell had dedicated not less than one air air pollution infraction: Releasing contaminants into the air “in such focus and of such period” that it interfered “with the conventional use and delight of property situated within the Galena Park space.” It stated that violation carried a civil penalty of as much as $25,000 per day, and included potential prison penalties of as much as $250,000 and as much as 10 years in jail. 

Air pollution Management gave LyondellBasell 10 days to submit a plan to repair the issue and forestall future emissions. 

On the identical time, Menefee’s workplace was getting ready to prosecute the company. It drew from Air pollution Management’s investigation, which stated the company had obtained 72 complaints concerning the chemical launch from individuals who “expressed worry of leaving their residence” and skilled “complications, nausea, diarrhea, vomiting, problem respiration,” amongst different issues. The investigators themselves “skilled irritation of the eyes and throat whereas conducting an odor survey within the Galena Park space.”

Menefee’s workplace deliberate to cost LyondellBasell with 114 air pollution violations, together with the one talked about within the violation discover. Harris County might ask for as much as $2.85 million in fines.

However as soon as once more Lawyer Basic Paxton’s workplace stepped in and exerted its authority to take over the case. It notified Menefee’s office of its choice on March 10, 2022 — the day earlier than the 90-day ready interval expired. 

The courtroom paperwork Paxton’s workplace has filed thus far don’t specify the variety of costs LyondellBasell is going through however say the state will search “civil penalties that could exceed $100,000.” When requested if LyondellBasell might use the affirmative-defense loophole to scale back or get rid of these fines, the TCEQ declined to remark.

LyondellBasell has since introduced that it will close Houston Refining by the tip of 2023 as a part of its bigger plan to depart the refining enterprise. However {industry} consultants assume the power will most likely proceed working underneath new possession.


On March 1, Texas held its 2022 primaries — the primary elections with the brand new voting guidelines in place. The leads to Harris County had been so beautiful that they made nationwide information.

Nearly 7,000 ballots — a few fifth of all of the mail-in ballots forged within the county — had been tossed out, principally due to technical errors folks made whereas attempting to navigate the state’s inflexible new voting necessities.

“We’ve been saying for some time, that the brand new voter suppression legal guidelines in Texas are designed to just do that. And now we’ve received the receipts,” County Decide Lina Hidalgo told CNN as the primary ballots had been being flagged for rejection. “It’s throwing sand into the gears of democracy.”

By comparability, solely 135 ballots had been rejected within the 2018 midterm election.

The stakes shall be a lot greater on Nov. 8, when Hidalgo and Democratic County Commissioner Adrian Garcia will face their Republican opponents. Garcia received his 2018 race by simply over 2,000 votes. Hidalgo received by fewer than 20,000 votes. 

Harris County Decide Lina Hidalgo has made environmental justice — particularly, boosting funding for the county’s Air pollution Management division — a prime precedence. She’s up for reelection in November and is going through sturdy Republican opposition.
Sergio Flores

Hidalgo’s reelection marketing campaign has been sophisticated by a scandal in her workplace. In April, three of her staffers were indicted on costs that they improperly awarded an $11 million COVID-19-related contract to a consulting agency that obtained a decrease ranking than different bidders in an preliminary evaluate. At a current information convention, the county choose stated the investigation is a politically motivated effort “to destroy, to harm my campaign.” 

If both Hidalgo or Garcia loses, Republicans could have sufficient votes on the commissioners courtroom to roll again the county’s current environmental justice positive aspects.

In February, the 2 Republicans who presently sit on the courtroom indicated that’s precisely what they might do. 

Tom Ramsey proposed a funds for the following fiscal 12 months that might have lower Air pollution Management’s funding by practically 20 p.c. Jack Cagle proposed slashing public well being funding by 47 p.c and shutting down the native elections division that had carried out the 2020 voting reforms. Each would use a lot of the financial savings to boost funding for law enforcement

None of those cuts was included within the funds that Hidalgo and the 2 Democrats on the courtroom permitted by a 3-2 vote. As an alternative, the brand new funds will increase Air pollution Management funding by $1.2 million for the upcoming fiscal 12 months.


For Juan Flores, who has breathed East Harris County’s foul air since he was born, all this political wrangling is simply background noise. He has by no means counted on politicians to rescue the neighborhood the place he grew up. He believes it’s as much as folks like him, who’re doing grassroots organizing, to vary issues. 

As a part of his work with Air Alliance Houston, he just lately put in two new Apis air displays in Galena Park — together with one on Clinton Drive, the place he had desperately looked for the garlic-like odor final July. The $11,000 machines are the dimensions of a bread field and provides real-time readings about ozone, nitrogen dioxide, particulate matter, and risky natural compounds. Residents can view the readings utilizing a web-based dashboard. That method they will higher perceive the hazards of air pollution — data Flores thinks got here too late for him.

Juan Flores at Galena Manor Park, the place a plume from a smokestack looms within the distance. Flores — like practically half of Galena Park’s 11,000 residents — lives inside one mile of an industrial facility. A lot of his neighbors have developed most cancers through the years, and he fears the identical will occur to him sometime.
Julie Dermansky

Today Flores worries quite a bit about dying younger. His father died greater than 20 years in the past, on a refinery ground, on the age of 51. His father’s warning — Don’t do what I do, mijo — saved Juan from a lifetime of petrochemical work. However Flores, 44, fears that merely residing in his small, polluted city will carry him an early dying, too. To guard himself and his household, he has most cancers insurance coverage that covers chemotherapy and different remedies.

“Any time I see an abnormality in my physique, I begin freaking out and go to the physician,” he stated. “I simply need to stay a bit longer, as a result of my daughter’s so younger.”

Dominique just lately turned 6 and is freed from the most cancers she was born with. Flores’ son, Jean,  simply completed his freshman 12 months on the College of Houston. {The teenager} continues to be haunted by his expertise in 2019, when he wanted steroids to ease his respiration after a hearth on the Intercontinental Terminals Firm plant launched a staggering quantity of benzene. He hopes to maneuver away after faculty. 

Flores understands why his son needs to depart. His personal brothers and sisters all moved away years in the past. However he can’t carry himself to desert Galena Park.

He sees his combat in opposition to serial polluters as one thing larger than himself. It’s his probability to guard the one residence he’s ever recognized — and to provide the following era the clear air he by no means had.

In March, eight months after the garlic odor invaded Galena Park, Flores and his household headed to the Caribbean for a seven-day break from refinery flares and rumbling trains.

They’d by no means been on a cruise, and Flores was keen to absorb the expertise. He needs to make as many recollections as he can earlier than it’s too late.

“I can see it coming 15 years from now. Juan, you’ve received most cancers,” he stated. “You’ll be able to’t make peace with that. You simply must stay your life sooner or later at a time. And if it occurs, it occurs.”


Plumes of smoke are frequent in East Harris County, Texas, the place 10 oil refineries course of 2.6 million barrels of crude oil a day.
Julie Dermansky

Hannah Molina, whose toddlers had been sickened through the July 14 incident, is attempting to get her household out of East Harris County earlier than the following large leak occurs.   

To save lots of sufficient cash to maneuver, her husband is taking over double shifts and additional time on the sign-making firm the place he works. She has began a podcast about motherhood, “The LifeChat Expertise,” to attempt to herald a bit extra cash whereas she cares for the women.

The household had hoped to depart by the tip of this 12 months. However with inflation, it’s exhausting simply to make ends meet, not to mention save. Now they’re aiming for 2023.  

“We will’t catch a break,” Molina stated. “Possibly it’s simply not our time proper now.”

In line with TCEQ data, greater than 150 chemical leaks have occurred in Harris County within the 9 months because the garlic-like odor settled over Galena Park and Jacinto Metropolis. Requested  whether or not it does sufficient to guard communities from air pollution, the TCEQ instructed Public Well being Watch it “does all it might probably to help air high quality throughout the boundaries of state legislation.”


This story was reported and written by David Leffler and Savanna Strott. Kelly Martin and Chris Campbell dealt with graphics. Images was produced by Julie Dermansky and Blaine Younger. Kelly Martin, David Fritze, and Lena Huang did the design. Illustration was achieved by Ok. Amelia Bates. Katherine Bagley did extra manufacturing.

This challenge was edited by Susan White, Jim Morris, and Lynne Perri. It was copy edited by Suzanne Choney and truth checked by Savanna Strott and David Leffler.


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